THE 


| BORDER RUFFIAN CODE IN KANSAS. 


Tux character of the Code of pretended Laws enacted by the bogus Territorial Legislature 
of Kansas—a Legislature notoriously forced upon the people of that Territory, at the hands 
of invading ruffians from Missouri, using the persuasive arguments of the Bowie-Knife and 
Revolver—may be judged from the following extracts, which are taken from Executive Docu- 
ment No. 23, submitted to Congress by the President of the United States, and printed by the 
public printer to Congress. The Document forms a volume of 822 pages, and is entitled 
‘‘ Laws of the Territory of Kansas.” We commence with the following, which will be found 
commencing on page 604, and which will provoke its own comments: 


Cuarrer 151.—SLAVES. 
An Act to Punish Offences against Slave Property. 


§ 1. Persons raising insurrection punishable with death. § 8. Punishment for concealing slaves. 
2. Aider punishable with death. 9. Punishment for rescuing slaves from officer. 


8. What constitutes felony. 10. Penalty on officer who refuses to assist in capturing 
4, Punishment for decoying away slaves. slaves. 

5. Punishment for assisting slaves. 11. Printing of incendiary documents, 

6. What deemed grand larceny. 12. What deemed a felony. 

7. What deemed felony. 18. Who are qualified as jurors. 


Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Kansas, as follows : 


Sxorion 1. That every person, bond or free, who shall be convicted of actually raising a 
rebellion or insurrection of slaves, free negroes, or mulattoes, in this Territory, shall suffer 
death. 
Sxo. 2. Every free person who shall aid or assist in any rebellion or insurrection of slaves 
free negroes, or mujattoes, or shall furnish arms, or do any overt act in furtherance of such 
rebellion or insurrection, shall suffer death. 

Szo. 3, If any free person shall, by speaking, writing, or printing, advise, persuade, or in- 
duce any slaves to rebel, conspire against, or murder any citizen of this Territory, or shall 
bring into, print, write, publish or circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, 
} published or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in the bringing into, printing, writing, 
publishing, or circulating in this Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circalar, 
for the purpose of exciting insurrection, rebellion, revolt, or conspiracy on the part of the 
slaves, free negroes, or mulattoes, against the citizens of the Territory or any part of them, 
such person shall be guilty of felony, and shall suffer death. 

Sxo. 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of this Territory, any slave 
belonging to another, with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, 
jor with intent to effect or procure the freedom of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty 
of grand larceny and, on conviction thereof, shall suffer death, or be imprisoned at hard 

labor for not less than ten years. 

a Sxo. 5. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, decoying, or persuading, or carrying 
j2way or sending out o: this Territory any slave belonging to another, with intent to procure 
or effect the fresuvm of such slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereuf of the ser- 
tvices of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and, on conviction thereof, 
shall suffer death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years. 
& Szo. 6. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of any State or other Terri- 
ory of the United States any slave belonging to another, with intent to procure or effect 
@aithe freedom of such slave, or to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, and, 
shall bring such slave into this Territory, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, in 


2 


the same manner as if such slave had been enticed, decoyed, or carried away out of this 
Territory, and in such case the larceny may be charged to have been committed in any 
county of this Territory, into or through which such slave shall have been brought by such 
person, and on conviction thereof, the person offending shall suffer death, or be imprisoned 
at hard labor for not less than ten years. 

Szo. 7. If any person shall entice, persuade, or induce any slave to escape from the service 
of his master or owner, in this Territory, or shall aid or assist any slave in escaping from the 
service of his master or owner, or shall aid, assist, harbor, or conceal any slave who may 
have escaped from the service of his master or owner, he shall be deemed guilty of felony, and 
punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than five years. 

Sxo. 8. If any person in this Territory shall aid or assist, harbor or conceal any slave who 
has escaped from the service of his master or owner, in another State or Territory, such per- 
son shall be punished in like manner as if such slave had escaped from the service of his 
. master or owner in this Territory. 

Sxo. 9. if any person shall resist any officer while attempting to arrest any slave that may 
have escaped from the service of his master or owner, or shall rescue such slave when in the 
custody of any officer or other person, or shall entice, persuade, aid or assist such slave to 
escape from the custody of any officer or other person who may have such slave in custody, 
whether such slave have escaped from the service of his master or owner in this Territory or 
in any other State or Territory, the person so offending shall be guilty of felony and punished 
by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years. 

Szo. 10. If any marshal, sheriff, or constable, or the deputy of any such officer, shall, 
when required by any person, refuse to aid or assist in the arrest and capture of any slave 
that may have escaped from the service of his master or owner, whether such siave shall have 
escaped from his master or owner in this Territory, or any State or other Territory, such offi- 
cer shall be fined in a sum of not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars. 

Sxo. 11. Ifany person print, write, introduce into, publish or circulate, or cause to be brought 
into, printed, written, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing 
into, printing, publishing, or circulating within this Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, 
magazine, handbill or circular, containing any statements, arguments, opinions, sentiment, 
doctrine, advice, or innuendo, calculated to produce a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious dis- 
affection among the slaves in this Territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from the ser- 
vice of their masters, or to resist their authority, he shall be guilty of felony, and be punished 
by imprisonment and hard labor for a term of not less than five years. 

Szo. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or maintain that persona 
have not the right to hold slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, 
publish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written, printed, pub- 
lished, or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circular, 
containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such persor 
shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by iinprisonment at hard labor for a term of 
not less than two years. 

Szo. 18. No person who is conscientiously opposed to holding slaves, or who does not 
admit the right to hold slaves in this Territory, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any prose- 
cution for any violation of any of the sections of this act. 

This act to take effect and be in force from and after the fifteenth day of Septembes 
A. D., 1855. 


QUALIFICATIONS OF ELEOTORS—TEST OATHS. 
“ An Act to regulate Elections” contains the following sections, page 282, chap. 66. 


Szo. 11. Every free white male citizen of the United States, and every free male Indiap 
who is made a citizen by treaty or otherwise, and over the age of twenty-one years, who 
shall be an inhabitant of this Territory, and of the county or district in which he offers to 
vote, and shall have paid a territorial tax, shall be a qualified elector for all elective officers; 
and al! Indians who are inhabitants of this Territory, and who may he ve adopted the customs 
of the white man, and who are liable to pay taxes, shall be deemed citizere: Provided, That 
no suldier, seaman or mariner, in the regular army or navy of the Unitea States, shall be 
entitled to vote, by reason of being on service therein: And provided further, That no 
person who shall have been convicted of any violation of any provision of an act of Con- 
gress, entitled ‘‘An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the 
service of their masters,” approved February 12, 1793; or of an act to amend and supple- 
mentary to said act, approved 18th September, 1850; whether such conviction were by 


473.66 rN 
Bod 
tei 


criminal proceeding or by civil action for the recovery of any penalty prescribed by either of 
= said acts, in any courts of the United States, or of any State or Territory, or of any offence 
'  Sdeemed infamous, shall be entitled to vote at any election, or to hold any office in this 
, “Territory : And provided further, That if any person offering to vote shall be challenged and 
“required to take an oath or affirmation, to be administered by one of the judges of the 
~» Glection, that he will sustain the provisions of the above recited acts of Congress. und of the 
act entitled “‘ An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,” approved May 80, 
S 1854, and shall refuse to take such oath or affirmation, the vote of such person shall be 
rejected. "I 
Seo. 12. Every person possessing the qualification of a voter, as hereinabove prescribed, 
and who shall have resided in this Territory thirty days prior to the election, at which he 
may offer himself as a candidate, shall be eligible as a delegate to the House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, to either branch of the legislative assembly, and to all other offices 
in this Territory, not otherwise especially provided for: Provided, however, That each mem- 
ber of the legislative assembly, and every oflicer elected or appointed to office under the laws 
of this Territory, shall, in addition to the oath or affirmation specially provided to be taken 
by such officer, take an oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States, 
the provisions of an act entitled ‘* An act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping 
from the service of their masters,” approved February 12, 1793; and of an act to amend and 
supplementary to said last mentioned act, approved September 18, 1850; and of an act 
entitled ‘An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,” approved May 80, 


1854. 
So. 19. Whenever any person shall offer to vote, he shall be presumed to be entitled to 


vote. 

Sxo. 20. Whenever any person offers to vote, his vote may be challenged by one of the 
judges or by any voter, and the judges of the election may examine him touching his right to 
vote; and if so examined, no evidence to contradict shall be received. Or the judges may, 
in the first instance, receive other evidence; in which event, the applicant may if he desire 
it, demand to be sworn, but his testimony shall not then be conclusive. 


8 


Again, on page 488, in Chap. 117, “An Act regulating oaths, and prescribing the form of 
- aaiths of office,” the following enactments may be found: 

Sgzotion 1. All officers elected or appointed under any existing or subsequently-enacted 
laws of this Territory, shall take and subscribe the following oath of office: “I, , do 
solemnly swear upon the holy evangelists of Almighty God, that I will support the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, and that I will support and sustain the provisions of an act entitled 
‘An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,’ and the provisions of the law 
of the United States, commonly known as the ‘ Fugitive Slave Law,’ and faithfully and 
impartially, and.to the best of my ability demean myself in the discharge of my duties in the 

_ Office of ; so help me God.” 
~~ Sxo. 2. Which oath of office shall be endorsed on every commission or certificate of 
«appointment, and may be administered by any person in this Territory authorized to admin- 
ister oaths, 
~ Sxo. 6. All oaths and affirmations alike subject the party who shall falsify them to the 
~pains and penalties of perjury. 


b Sit 


“As, ATTORNEYS AT LAW—MORE TEST OATHS. 
a “An act concerning attorneys at law,” Ohapter 11, page 118, provides as follows: 


. Szo. 1. No person shall practice as an attorney or counsellor at law, or soliciw™ in chan - 
eery, in any court of record, unless he be a free white male, and obtain a license from the 

.. Supreme court, or district court, or some one of the judges thereof, in yacation. 
~ ™ So. 8, Erery person obtaining a license shall take an oath or affirmation to support the 
»  Oonstitution of the United States, and to support and sustain the provisions of an act entitled 
&> ‘* Ar act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,” and the provisions of an act 
commonly known as “ The Fugitive Slave Law,” and faithfully to demean himself in bis prac- 
., ice to the best of his knowledge and ability. A certificate of such oath shall be en:'orsed on 

= the license. 

-- Sxo. 5. If any person shall practise law in any court of record, without being licensed, 
‘sworn, and enrolled, he shall be deemed guilty of a contempt of court, and punished as in 


=other cases of contempt. 


4 


CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. of 

“An act concerning crimes and the punishment of offences against the persons of indivr- 
duals,” Chapter 48, page 205 provides: 

Sxo. 5. Homicide shall be deemed excusable when committed by accident or misfortune, 
in either of the following cases: Furst, in lawfally correcting a child, apprentice, servant, ot 
slave, or in doing any other lawful act by lawful means, with usual and ordinary caution, 
and without unlawful intent; or, Second, in the heat of passion, upon any sudden or suflicient 
provocation, or upon sudden combat without any undue advantage being taken, and without 
any dangerous weapon being used, and not done in a cruel and unusual manner. 

Sxo. 31. If any negro or mulatto shall take away any white female under the age of 
eighteen years, from her father, mother, guardian, or other person having the legal charge of 
her person, without their consent, for the purpose of prostitution, concubinage, or marriage 
with him, or any other negro or mulatto, he shall, on conviction, be sentenced to castration, 
to be performed under the direction of the sheriff, by some skillful person, and the expense 
shall be adjusted, taxed, and paid as other costs. . 

Sxo. 48. Every person who shall maliciously, forcibly or fraudulently lead, take or. carry 
away, or decoy, or entice away, any child under the age of twelve years, with intent to 
detain or conceal such child from its parent, guardian, or other person having the lawful 
charge of such child, shall, upon conviction, be punished by confinement and hard labor, not 
exceeding five years, or imprisonment in the county jail not less than six months, or by fine 
not less than five hundred dollars. [See the penalty for enticing away a black slave child, on 
page 1 of this pamphlet, sec. 4, and compare the two cases.— Compiler.} 

“ An act in relation to the general provisions regulating crimes and punishments,” provides 
(pages 252 & 253), as follows: 

Szo. 27. If any slave shall commit petit larcency, or shall steal any neat: cattle, sheep or 
hog, or be guilty of any misdemeanor, or other offence punishable under the provisions of this 
act only by fine or imprisonment in a county jail, or by both such fine and imprisonment, he 
shall, instead of such punishment, be punished, if a male, by stripes on his bare back not 
exceeding thirty-nine, or if a female, by imprisonment in a county jail. not exceeding twenty- 
one days, or by stripes not exceeding twenty-one, at the discretion of the justice. 

Szo. 28. Every slave charged with the commission of any of the offences, specified in the 
last section, shall be tried in a summary manner before a justice of the peace in the county in 
which the offence is committed ; and such justice (if a jury is not required, as provided for in 
the next section) shall hear the evidence, determine the cause, and, on conviction, pronounce 
sentence, and cause the same to be executed. 

Sxo. 29. If any slave or his master, in any case cognizable before a justice of the peace 
shall require a jury, the justice shall cause such jury to be suzamoned, sworn, and empannelled 
who shall determine the facts, and assess the punishment in case of conviction, and the 
justice shall enter judgment and cause the same to be executed. . 

Szo. 84. When any slave shall be convicted of a felony punishable by confinement 
and hard labow, the court before whom such conviction shall be had shall sentence the 
offender to receive on his bare back any number of stripes not exceeding thirty-nine. 


WHO MAY AND WHO MAY NOT BE JURORS. 


The quality of justice which a Free-State man might, reasonably expect at the hands of a 
Kansas coart, may be surmised from Ohap. 92, Secs. 1 and 18, of ‘An Act concerning jurors,’ 
pages 877 and 878, from which it will be seen that instead of drawing jurors by lot, the 
court raay summon a sufficient number, (for summon read “ pack,”) and that all who question 
the divinity .. Slavery are absolutely excluded from all juries which may be required to con- 
sider directly or remotely the question of Slavery. ae, ae 

Sxzo. 1. All courts before whom jurors are required, may order the marshal, sheriff, or 
other officer to summon a sufficient number of jurors. 

Szo. 18. No person who is conscientiously opposed to the holding slaves, or who does not 
admit the right to hold slaves in this Territory, shall be a juror in sny cause in which the 
right to hold any person in Slavery is involved, nor in any cause in which any injury done to 
or committed by any slave is in issue, nor in any criminal proceeding for the violation of any 
law enacted for the protection of slave property and for the punishment of crimes committed 


against the right to such property. 


5 
HABEAS OORPUS. 


“ An Act regulating proceedings on writs of habeas corpus.” Ohapter 79, Article 8, page 
845, contains the following: 


Szo. 8. No negro or mulatto, held as a slave within this Territory, or lawfully arrested as a 
fugitive from service;from another State or Territory, shall be discharged, nor shall his right of 
freedom be had under the provisions of this act. ) 


The foregoing provision, suspending the writ of habeas corpus, is not only a violation of the 


Constitution of the United States, but of the Kansas-Nebraska Act itself, which provides as 
follows: 


“Except also that a writ of error or appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court of 
the United States, from the decision of the said supreme court created by this act, or of any 
judge thereof, or of the district courts created by this act, or of any judge thereof, upon any 
writ of habeas corpus, involving the question of personal freedom.” 


THE OHAIN AND BALL. 


The following shows the treatment to which citizens are liable to be subjected for questioning 
the right of Border Ruffians to merchandise in human flesh and blood in the Territory of 


Kansas. Read and make your own comments. We copy from “An Act providing a system 
of confinement and hard labor,” Chapter 22, page 146. 


So. 1. Every keeper of a jail, or other public prison, within this Territory, is hereby 
required to cause all convicts who may be confined in the prison of which he is the keeper, 
under sentence of confinement and hard labor, either on the streets, roads, public buildings, 
or other public works of the Territory, or on some public works of the county in which such 
convicts may be imprisoned, or on private works wherever may be hereinafter specified ; or 
if there be no public works of the Territory on which to employ such convicts, or if the 
county wherein such convicts may be confined have no public works on which to employ 
such convicts, then such convicts may be employed on the public works of any Sther county 
in the Territory where there may be work to employ such convicts; or such convicts may 
be employed on the public works of any incorporate town or city, within this Territory, 
either in the county in which such convicts may be confined, or in some other county in the 
Territory. . 

Szo. 2. Every person who may be sentenced by any court of competent jurisdiction, under 
any Jaw in force within this Territory, to punishment by confinement and hard labor, shall 
be deemed a convict, and shall immediately, under the charge of the keeper of such jail or 
public prison, or under the charge of such person as the keeper of such jail or public prison 
may select, be put to hard labor, as in the first section of this act specified; and such 
keeper or other person, having charge of such convict, shall cause such convict, while 
engaged at such labor, to be securely confined by a chain six feet in length, of not less than 
four-sixteenths nor more than three-eighths of an inch links, with a round ball of iron, of not 
less than four nor more than six inches in diameter, attached, which chain shall be securely 
fastened to the ankle of such convict with a strong lock and key; and such keeper or other 
person, having charge of such convict, may, if necessary, confine such convict, while so 
engaged at hard labor, by other chains or other means in his discretion, so as to keep such 
convict secure and prevent his escape; and when there shall be two or more convicts under 
the charge of such keeper, or other person, such convicts shall be fastened together by strong 


chains, with strong locks and keys, during the time such convicts shall be engaged in hard 
labor without the walls of any jail or prison. 


é 


‘STOCKING THE LOOAL OFFICES. 


A.i county and town officers who are to execute the outrageous acts of this Border Rutfian 
Legislature, are appointed either by the legislature or by officers or Boards receiving their 


appointment from the legislature, thus removing all power from tie people. We quote from 
page 601 as follows: 


ab 


6 


Onaprer 150,—SHERIFF. 
An Act providing for the office of sheriff, and prescribing his dutie.. 


Szorion 1, There shall be elected, by joint vote of the legislative assembly, at the present 
session, for each county, a sheriff, who shall hold his office until the general election for 
members of the legislative assembly, in the year eighteen hundred and fifty-seven; and such 
sheriff, when elected, shall be commissioned by the governor, and shall take the oath of office 
prescribed by law, &c. 


On page 117 we find the following: 
CuaptEr 10.—Arrorneys. 


An act to establish the office of district attorney, and to define his duties. 


Szorion 1. There shall be and is hereby established in each judicial district of this Terri- 
tory, the office of district attorney, and the present session of the legislative assembly shall 
elect for each judicial district, by joint ballot, a district attorney, who shall hold his office for 
four years; and such district attorney shall be commissioned by the governor, and take the 
oath of office prescribed by law, which coramission, with the oath of office endorsed thereon, 
shall be recorded in the records of the district court of each county in his district. 


On page 149 the'following may be found: N 


OnAPTER 23.—CoNSTABLES. 


An act providing for the appointment of constables, and prescribing their duties. 


Sroriox 1. There shall be in each township, in each county im this Territory, one consta- 
ble, who shall be appointed by the tribunal transacting county business, and shall hold his 
office until the second general election. 


On page 196 is the following: 
Cuaprer 44.—ProsBate Court. 


An act to establish a probate court, with the powers and duties of a board of commissioners, 
and to define its jurisdiction. . 


Szotion 1. That there be and is hereby established in each county of the Territory a pro- 
bate court; and there shall be elected by joint ballot of the legislative assembly, at the 
present session, a probate judge for each county in the Territory, who shall hold his office 
until the general election for members of the legislative assembly, in the year eighteen hun- 
dred and fifty-seven, and until their successors are duly elected, commissioned and qualified. 

Sro. 28. There shall be and is hereby established in each county of this Territory, a tribu- 
nal transacting county business, to be called the board of commissioners for the county, and 
the probate judge of each county shall be the president of the board of commissioners. 

Sro. 29. The present session of the legislative assembly shall elect, by joint ballot, two 
commissioners, who shal be associated with the probate judge, and constitute the board of 
commissioners, and shall be the tribunal transacting county business. 

Szo. 31. The board of commissioners, in their respective counties, shall have power an 
authority to levy and cause to be collected a tax upon all property and effects in the county, 
either real, personal, or mixed, subject to taxation by law, for the necessary expenditures of 
the counties, not to exceed the amount of taxation levied for Territorial purposes in such 
county, except in cases provided for by law. 

Sro. 32. They shall have power to build bridges, and open and keep in repair roads and 
highways, within their respective counties, and they shall provide ways and means for the 
erection of all public buildings necessary for the transacting of county business; they shall 
cause to be erected, or otherwise procure for the several counties, suitable court-houses, jails, 
clerks’ offices, and other public buildings deemed necessary. 

Sxo. 88. The probate judge and county commissioners shall appoint in each county a clerk 
of the board of county commissioners, and shall grant to him a certificate of his appoint- 
ment, and he shall be commissioned by the governor, and take the oath of office prescribed 


‘by law. 


Szo. 84. The board of county commissioners shall appoint a county treasurer, coroner, 
justices of the peace, constables, and all other officers provided for by law, which several 
officers shall be commissioned by the governor, and the said tribunal shall have the power 
and authority to appoint all commissioners or agents provided for by law. 


7 


We have examined the foregoing, and compared the same with the “ Laws cé the Territory of Kansas,” as published 
for the United States Senate, and we find the same to be true copies of the Sections quoted. 


, 


J. COLLAMER, of Com. on Territories, U. S. Senate. 
G. A. GROW, Chairman of Com. on Territories, H, RB. 


SAML, GALLOWAY, of Com. on Judiciary, H. R. 


MASON W. TAPPEN, Aon. do. 
SCHUYLER COLFAX, of Com. on Hlections, do. 
A. H. CRAGIN, of Com. on Printing, Z. R. 


Norz.—The pages referred to, are numbered in accordance with the Official Reprint of the Laws by Congress, and 


not the pages of the edition printed in Kansas. 
given algo, they can easily be traced by any person having 


As the Sections, however, are quoted in full and the No. of the chapter 


the latter edition. 


TOOMBS’ KANSAS 


BILL DISSECTED. 


LETTER FROM W. Y. ROBERTS, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF KANSAS, 


WasHInGaTon, D. 0., July 11th, 1856. 
To the Editors of the N. Y. Evening Post. 


Your note, asking my opinion, as a democrat 
and as a citizen and friend of Kansas, in relation 
to the Senate bill, entitled “a bill to authorize 
the people of the territory of Kansas to forma 
constitution and state government,” &c., which 
passed the Senate on the 2d inst., is to hand. 

In reply, I would say that my objections to the 
bill are not confined to the details only—they 
may be amended—but attach also to the prin- 
ciples upon which it rests. 

I. The bill proposes to repeal and amend cer- 
tain territorial laws, and to leave others-in force, 
and hence assumes the position that the legislative 
assembly was a valid authority, and affixes the 
seal of congressional sanction and approbation 
upon a body elected by a rule utterly subversive 
of that government; and in so doing, the Senate 
has sanctioned and legalized, as far as it can. the 
work of an armed mob, in open violation of the 
laws and constitution of the United States, in 
violating the great fundamental principle upon 
which rests our whole political fabric, popular 
sovereignty, or self-government. 

It ig not necessary to weary your readers by in- 
serting here the proof of this proposition, and I shall 
only refer them to the testimony taken by the 
Kansas Investigating Committee, reported to the 
House of Representatives on the latinst. In this 
report the above allegation is proven by testi- 
mony the most positive and incontrovertible. 

II. But my objections to the bill do not stop 
here ; after thus acknowledging the validity of 
the territorial legislature, the bill proceeds to 
repeal sundry laws and parts of laws enacted 
by that body, by the very singular process of 
re-enacting certain important provisions of the 
constitution of the United States (see bill, sec. 


18). It also enacts a new elective law—assum 
ing the power of Congress to legislate for the 
territory onthe most important subject of legie 
lation, that of the elective franchise. whilst it 
has, in the opinion of the Senate, in full vitality, 
a local legislature of its own; thus utterly aban- 
doning the whole theory of the democratic creed 
in relation to the government of the territories ; 
and, as a democrat, I must be allowed to enter 
my protest against this abandonment of the 
faith, particularly in an instance when that aban- 
donment is made necessary by assumiug a former 
false hypothesis. 

Ij. The bill further provides for the election 
and organization of a convention “to form a con- 
stitution and state government,’ and, without 
submitting the constitution thus formed to a vote 
of the people or future action of Congress, admits 
the state into the Union “on an equal footing 
with the original states,” and makes the action ef 
that convention a finality, and denies to the 
people the invaluable privilege of acting in their 
primary and individual capacity upon the organic 
law of the land, “a right invaluable to them and 
formidable only to tyrants.” 

IV. To give a board of Commissioners, ap- 
pointed by the President, the power to determine 
who shall vote for delegates to the convention, 
and to be the sole judges of the election and 
qualifications of said delegates, and to make the 
action of that convention final, in a matter so 
important as the formation of a constitution and 
state government, is to erect a power dangerous 
to popular rights, a power irresponsible to the 
people—a despotism ; and is assuming the power 
of Congress to do that for which there is no war- 
rant in the constitution, and which is subversive 
of the great principles of popular government. 

VY. One effect of refusing to submit the con- 
stitution to the vote of the people, would be to 


8 


obviate the necessity of retaining in the territory 
a large body of men during the winter, in order 
to vote on the constitution in the spring, as it 
would be impossible to frame a constitution, pub- 
lish it and give the people time to discuss its pro- 
visions in order to give an intelligent vote upon 


its ratification, before, probably, the lst of March. | 


Iam aware that it would be exceedingly incon- 
venient to these people to stay in our territory 
during the winter wzthout houses, and that houses 
and provisions are very expensive things; never- 
theless, as a citizen of Kansas I cannot consent 
that they should be allowed to finish their works 
by the 4th of November and return to their 
homes, leaving the people to enjoy (?} a govern- 
ment established against their will and wishes: 
and hence, as a citizen and a friend of Kansas, 
must solemnly protest against this feature of the 


ll. 

VI. The bill further provides that the ratio of 
representation and the apportionment of delegates 
shall be determined by the number of voters, 
and not the number of inhabitantsin the territory 
and the respective districts; thus giving to the 
mere adventurer, the mere “soldier of fortune ”’ 
upon the border, the same representative strength 
with the regular citizen, permanently located 
with his wife and family of five or ten minor 
children. The injustice of this provision is too 
glaring to need comment, and its object too plain, 
to be misunderstood. 

VII. The enumeration of voters is fixed at a 
time when many of our citizens have been driven 
from their homes and from the territory, and when 
an armed mob, unrebuked by government, has 
blockaded all the avenues to the country, not 
only preventing the return of the few who might 
be able, and who might feel an inclination to re- 
turn, from doing so, but robbing and driving 
back all new emigrants from the free states who 
are secking homes in the territory. Thus forcing 
upon the people a finality at a most inauspicious 
time, and proposing to establish the institutions 
of a state when the country is under the govern- 
ment of an armed and irresponsible mob. What 
a mockery of popular rights! And what a fraud 
upon a people who were induced to emigrate to 
the territory under the pledge from the govern- 
ment, that they should be left “perfectly free to 
establish their own institutions.” 

VIII. In addition to this, the bill, as far as it 
is intended to ‘authorize the people of the ter- 
itory of Kansas to form a constitution and state 
government,” is gratuitous. We have asked for 
no such authority. We contend, as democrats, 
that we have authority, whenever a majority of 
the people may so determine, to call a convention, 
form a constitution and state government, and to 
apply for admission into the Union as a free and 
sovereign state. We hold that the people are 


better judges of when this shall be done, than 
Congress can be. and that to judge of and to do 
this, is one of the rights expressly reserved to 
the people by the constitution of the United 
States, and therefore We have not asked of Con- 
gress an authority that expressly belongs to us 
under the constitution ; but what we do ask is, 
that Congress should fulfill all the requirements 
of the constitution, and extend over us the pro- 
tecting hand of the national government.. 

We ask of Congress no impossibilities—nor 
unconstitutional intermeddling with our domes- 
tic affairs. Congress cannot “ give us back our 
dead ;’”’ but it can wipe out a legislative govern- 
ment established by fraud and violence, and 
institute another that shall reflect the will of 
the people. It can refund to our people all the 
losses that they have sustained by reason of 
this fraud, and restore and secure to them what 
is more valuable than gold, and sweeter than 
life, the free enjoyment of all their political 
rights as American citizens. We ask a nation’s 
disapprobation of a fraud unparalleled in the 
history of our country; let the nation wash 
her hands of the disgraceful act, and let the 
history of it go down to posterity with a nation’s 
eendemnation indelibly engraved upon its fore- 
head. . 

Let Congress, in the place of repealing cer- 
tain laws of territorial legislature, because of 
their wwherent defects, set them all aside because 
of the inherent defects in the power that made 
them. Let this be done, and the whole subject 
is open to Congress, the wrongs of the people 
may be redressed, their constitutional rights 
restored, and peace restored to the Union—to 
the country, and to the territory, the constitu- 
tion itself vindicated, the theory of non-inter- 
ference saved. The great principles of popular 
sovereignty and self-government re-established, 
an unmitigated fraud upon the ballot-box brand- 
ed with marked disapprobatiou, the character of 
our free institutions preserved untarnished, the 
confidence of the people in the perpetuity and 
strength of free governments stimulated and con- 
firmed, and the bonds of the Union strengthened 
and established upon the rock of eternal justice ; 
but, refuse to do this, and all these propositions 
are reversed. 

If the bill was designed to effect these objects, 
it will most certainly fail of its purpose; but on 
the other hand tend most directly to the reverse 
of all these desirable results, and therefore, 
finally, a3 a democrat, a citizen, and friend of 
Kansas, one who loves the Union, and the har- 
mony and peace of ali sections of the country, I 
must now most earnertly protest against its pas- 


sage into a law. 
Very truly, &., ee 
W. Y. Ropers. 


PRESIDENTIAL PLATFORMS FOR 1856. 


We herewith present the Platforms of the three Parties now soliciting the suffrages of 
the People; also the Letters of Acceptance written by the Presidential Oandidates repre- 
senting these parties, that the intelligent voter may examine and compare them, and thus 
deliberately form his judgment as to their relative merits. The Republicans invite the 
most rigid scrutiny and investigation into the principles and measures on which they 
make their appeal to the American People, with an undoubting confidence in the cor- 


rectness and justice of the final verdict. 


What intelligent elector can fail to see that 


of the three the Republican Platform is the most truly Democratic and American, in the 
best and most significant sense of those much abused terms ? 


SOUTH AMERICAN PLATFORM PUT FORTH AT PHILADEL- 
PHIA, FEB. 22, 1856. 


Ist. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme 
Being who rules the Universe, for His protecting 
care, vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful 
Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to 
us, their descendants, in the preservation of the lib- 
erties, the independence and the union of these 
States. 

2d. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the 
palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the 
only sure bulwark of American Independence. 

3d. Americans must rule America, and, to this 
end, native-born citizens should be selected for all 
State, Federal, and municipal offices, or government 
employment, in preference to naturalized citizens; 
nevertheless, 

4th. Persons born of American parents residing 
femaporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the 
rights of native-born citizens; but, 

5th. No person should be selected for political sta- 
tion (whether of native or foreign birth), who recog- 
nizes any allegiance or obligation of any description 
to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who 
tefuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitu- 
tions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all 
other laws as rules of politica! action. 

6th. The unqualified recognition and maintenance 
of the reserved rights of the several States, and the 
cultivation of harmony and fraternal good-will, be- 
tween the citizens of the several States, and to this 
end, non-interference by Congress with questions ap- 
pertaining solely to the individual States, and non- 
intervention by each State with the affairs of any 
other Scate. 

7th. The recognition of the right of the native-born 
and naturalized citizens of the United States, perma- 
nently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame 
their constitution and laws, and to regulate their do- 
mestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject 
only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, 
with the right of admission into the Union whenever 
they have their requisite population for one Repre- 
sentative in Congress. Provided aliways, That none 
but those who are citizens thereof, and State, under 
the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a 
fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to par- 
ticipate in the formation of the Constitution, or in 
the enactment of laws for said Territory or State. 

8th. An enforcement of the principle that no State 

er Territory can admit others than native-born citi- 

zens to the right of suffrage, or of holding political 

office, unless such person shall have been naturalized 
. secording to the laws of the United States. 


a a See 


$th. A change in the laws of naturalization, mak- 
ing # continued residence of twenty-one years, of all 
not heretofore provided for, an indispensable requi- 
site of citizenship hereafter, and excluding all pau- 
pers and persons convicted of crime from landin 
upon our shores; but no interference with the veste 
rights of foreigners. 

10th. Opposition to any union between Church and 
State: no interference with religious faith or wor- 
ship, and no test oaths for office, except those indi- 
cated in the 5th section of this platform. 

llth. Free and thorough investigation into any and 
all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict 
economy in public expenditures. 

12th. The maintenance and enforcement of all 
laws until said laws shall be repealed or shall be de- 
clared null and void by competent judicial authority. 

13th. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy 
of the present administration in the general manage- 
ment of our national affairs, and more especially as 
shown in removing ‘‘ Americans”’ (by designation) 
and conservatives in principle, from office, and plac- 
ing foreigners and ultraists in their places; as shown 
in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an 
insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker 

owers; a8 shown in re-opening sectional agitation, 
by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ; as shown 
in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right to 
suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska; as shown in its 
vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska ques- 
tion; as shown in the removal of Judge Bronson 
from the Collectorship of New York upon false and 
untenable grounds; as shown in the corruptions 
which pervade some of the departments of the Goy- 
ernment; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval 
officers through prejudice ar caprice ; and as shown 
in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign re- 
lations. 

14th. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and pre- 
vent the disastrous consequences otherwise resulting 
therefrom, we would build up the ‘* American part 
Ap OR the principles herein before stated, eschewing 
all sectional questions and uniting upon those purely 
national, and admitting into said party all American 
citizens (referred to in the 3d, 4th, and 5th sections), 
who openly avow the princi jes and opinions hereto- 
fore expressed, and who will subscribe their names 
to this platform. Provided, nevertheless, that a ma- 
jority of these members present at any meeting of a 
local Council where an applicant applies for mem- 
bership in the American party may, for any reason 
by them deemed sufficient, deny admission to such 
applicant. 

15th. A free and open discussion of all political 
principles embraced in our platform. 


10 


DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM PUT FORTH AT CINCINNATI, 
JUNE 6, 1856. 


Resolved, That the American Democracy place their 
trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the dis- 
criminating justice of the American people. 

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive fea- 
ture of our political creed, which we are peek to 
maintain alte the world as a great moral element 
in a form of government springing from and upheld 


by the popular will; and we contrast it with the 


creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever 
name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the 
constituent, and which conceives no imposture too 
monstrous for the popular credulity. 

Resolved, therefore, That entertaining these views, 
the Democratic party of this Union, through their del- 
egates, assembled in general Convention, coming to- 
gether in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doc- 
trines and faith of a free representative government, 
and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude 
of their intentions, renew and reassert before the 
American people, the declarations of principles avow- 
ed by them, when, on former occasions, in general 
Convention, they have presented their candidates for 
the popular suffrage. 

a. That the Federal Government 1s one of limited 
power, derived solely from the Constitution, and the 
grants of power made therein ought to be strictly 
construed by all the departments and agents of the 
government, and that it is inexpedient and danger- 
ous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the 
General Government the power to commence and 
carry on a general system of internal improvements. 

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority 
upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, 
to assume the debts of the several States, contracted 
for local and internal improvements, or other State 
te wey nor would such assumption be just or ex- 

edient. 

f 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal 
Government to foster one branch of industry to the 
detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of 
one portion of our common country; that every 
citizen and every section of the country has a right 
to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and 
privileges, and a complete and ample protection of 
Sache and property from domestic violence and 
oreign aggression. 

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Gov- 
ernment to enforce and practise the nost rigid eco- 
nomy in conducting our public affairs, and that no 
- more revenue ought to be raised than is required to 


defray the necessary expenses of the government, | 


and gradual but certain extinction of the public deht. 

6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to 
be sacredly applied to the national objects specified 
in the Constitution, and that we are opr ee to any 
law for the distribution of such proceeds among the 
States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant 
to the Constitution. 

7. That Congress has no power to charter a Na- 
tional Bank; that we believe such an institution one 
of deadly hostility to the best interests of this 
country, dangerous to our republican institutions and 
the liberties of the people, and calculated to place 
the business of the country within the control of a 
consecrated money power and above the laws and 
will of the people; and the results of the Democra- 
tic legislation in this and all other financial measures 
upon which issues have been made between the two 
political parties of the country, have demonstrated 
to canta and practical men of all parties their 
soundness, safety and utility in all business pur- 
suits. . 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the Gev- 
ernmentfrom banking institutions is indispensable to 


the safety of the fands of the Government and the 
rights of the people. 

9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from 
the President the qualified Veto power, by which he 
is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities 
amply sufficient to guard the public interests, to sus- 
pend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure 
the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House 
of Representatives, until the judgment of the peo- 
ple can be obtained thereon, and which has saved 
the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical 
dominion of the Bank of the United States, and from 
a corrupting system of general internal improve- 
ments. 

10. That the liberal principles embodied hy Jeffer- 
son in the Declaration of Independence, and sanc- 
tioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land 
of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every 
nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the 
Democratic faith; and every attempt to abridge the — 
privilege of Soa citizens and the owners of soil 
among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit 
which swept the alien and sedition laws from our sta- 
tute books. 

And whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was 
uniformly adopted by our predecessors in National 
Conventions, an adverse political and religious test 
has been secretly organized by a party claiming to 
be exclusively Americans, and it is proper that the 
American Democracy should clearly define ita rela- 
tions thereto; and declares its determined opposition 
to all secret political societies, by whatever name 
they may be called. : 

esolved, That the foundation of this Union of 
States having been laid in, and its prosperity, ex- 
pansion, and pre-eminent example in free govern- 
ment, built upon entire freedom of matters of relig- 
ious concernment, and no respect of persons in 
regard to rank, or place of birth, no party can justly 
be deemed national, constitutional, or in accordance 
with American principles, which bases its exclusive 
organization upon religious opinions and accidental 
birth-place. And hence a political crusade in the 
nineteenth century, and in the United States of 
America, against Catholics and foreign-born is 
neither puree by the past history or future pros- 
pects of the country, nor in unison with the spirit 
of toleration, and enlightened freedom which pecu- 
liarly distinguishes the American system of popular 
government. 

Resolved, That we reiterate with renewed energy 
of purpose the well considered declarations of former 
conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic 
sinvyery and concerning the reserved rights of the 
Statea— 

1. Thet Congress has no power under the Consti- 
tution to interfere with or control the domestic in- 
stitutions of the several States, and that all such 
States are the sole and proper judges of everything 
appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by 
the Constitution; that all efforts of the Abolitionists 


ior others made to induce Congress to interfere with 


questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in re. 
lation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most 
alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all 
such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish 
the happiness of the pepe and endanger the stabi- 
lity and permanency of the Union, and ought not to 
be countenanced by any friend of our political in- 
stitutions. 

2. That the foregoing proposition covers and. was 
intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery 
agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic 

arty of the Union, standing on this national plat- 
orm, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution 
of the acts kuown as the compromise measures, set- 
tled by the Congress of 1850: ‘‘the act for reclaim- 
ing fugitives from service or labor included;’’ which 


11 


act being designed to carry out an express provision 
of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be 
repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its 
efficiency. 

3. That the Democratic party will resist all at- 
tempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the 
agitation of the slavery question, under whatever 
shape or color the attempt may be made» 

4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide 
by and uphold the principles laid down in the Ken- 
tucky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and 
in the report of Mr. Mapison to the Virginia Legis- 
lature in 1799—that it adopts these principles as con- 
stituting one of the main foundations of its political 
creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their ob- 
vious meaning and import. 

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on 
which a sectional party, subsisting exclusively on 
slavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the 
people, North and South, to the Constitution and the 

nion— 

1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with and de- 
siring the co-operation of all who regard the preser- 
vation of the Union under the Constitution as the 
paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties 
and platforms concerning domestic slavery, which 
seek to embroil the States and incite to treason and 
armed resistance to law in the territories, and whose 
avowed purpose if consummated, must end in civil war 
and disunion, the American Democracy recognize 
and adopt the principles contained in the organic 
laws establishing the territories of Nebraska and 
Kansas, as embodying the only sound and safe solu- 
tion of the slavery question, upon which the great 
national idea of the people of this whole country can 
repose in its determined conservation of the Union, 
and non-interference of Congress with slavery in the 
terr*tories or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 
1850, confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig 
parties in National Conventions ratified by the peo- 
ple in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the 
organization of the territories in 1854. 

3. That by the uniform application of the Demo- 
cratic principle to the organization of territories, and 
the admission of new States with or without domes- 
tic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all 
the States will be preserved intact, the original com- 
pacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate, and 
the perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured 
to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and 
harmony, every future American State that may be 
constituted or annexed with a republican form of 
government. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the peo- 
ple of all the territories, including Kansas and Ne- 
braska, acting through the legally and fairly express- 
ed will of the majority of the actual residents, and 
whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, 
to form a Constitution, with or without domestic 
slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms 
of perfect equality with the other States. 

esolved, finally, That, in view of the condition of 
the popular institutions in the old world (and the 
dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combin- 
ed with the attempt to enforce civil and religious dis- 
abilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying 
citizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty 
is involved with increased responsibility upon the 
Democratic party of this country, as the party of the 
Union, to po and maintain the rights of every 
State and thereby the union of the States—and to 
sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, 
by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive 
legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense 
of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adher- 
ence to those porta en and compromises of the 
Constitution—which are broad enough and strong 


enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, 
the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be—in the 
full expression of the energies and capacity of this 
great and progressive people. 

1. Resolved, That there are questions connected 
with the foreign policy of this country which are in 
ferior to no domestic question whatever. The time 
has come for the people of the United States to de- 
clare themselves in favor of free seas, and progres- 
sive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn 
manifestations to place their moral influence at the 
side of their successful example. 2 

2. Resowed. That our geographical and political 
position with reference to the other States of this 
continent, no less than the interest of our commerce 
and the development of our growing power, requires 
that we should hold sacred the principles involved in 
the Monrog doctrine. Their bearing and ue Be ad- 
mit of no misconstruction, and should be applied with 
unbending rigidity. . 

3, Resolved, That the great highway, which nature 
as well as the assent of States most immediately in- 
terested in its maintainance has marked out for free 
communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific 
Oceans, constitutes one of the most important 
achievements realized by the spirit of modern times, 
in the unconquerable energy of our people; and that 
result would be secured by a timely and eflicient 
exertion of the control which we have the right to 
claim over it, and no power on earth should be saf- 
fered to impede or clog its progress by any interfer- 
ence with relations that it may suit our policy to 
establish between our government and the govern- 
ments of the States within whose dominions it lies; 
we can under no circumstances, surrender our pre- 
ponderence in the adjustment of all questions arising 
out of it. 

4, Resolved, That in view of s0 commanding an 
interest, the people of the United States cannot but 
sympathise with the efforts which are being made by 
the people of Central America to regenerate that 
portion of the continent which covers the passage 
across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect 
of the next Administration that every proper effort 
be made to ensure our ascendency in the Gulf of 
Mexico, and to maintain permanent protection to the 
great outlets through which are emptied into its wat- 
ers the products raised out of the soil and the com- 
modities created by the industry of the people of our 
western valleys and of the Union at large. 

(Fr See 15th page for another Resolution. 


REPUBLICAN PLATFORM PUT FORTH AT PHILADELPHIA, 
JUNE 18th, 1856. 


This Convention of Delegates, assembled in pursu- 
ance of a call addressed to the people of the United 
States, without regard to past political differences or 
divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise: to the policy of the present 
Administration ; to the extension of Slavery into 

iFree Territory; in favor of admitting Kansas as a 
free State; of restoring the action of the Federal 
Government to the principles of WasHIneron and 
JEFFERSON, and who purpose to unite in presentin 
candidates for the offices of President and Vice Presi- 
dent, do resolve as follows: 

Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles 
promnuigated in the Declaration of Independence and 
embodied in the Federal Constitution, are essential 
to the preservation of our republican institutions, 
and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the 
States, and the union of the States shall be pre- 
served. 

Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold 
it to be a self-evident truth, that all men are endowed 
with the inalienable rights to life. liberty, and the pur- 


12 


uit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulte- 
rior designs of our federal government were, to secure 
these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdic- 
tion; that as our republican fathers, when they had 
abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordain- 
ed that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, 
or property, without due process of law, it becomes 
our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution 
against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of es- 
tablishing slavery in any territory of the United States, 
by positive legislation, idlngi he its existence or 
extension therein. That we deny the authority of 
Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individ- 
ual or association of individuals, to give legal exist- 
ence to slavery in any territory of the United States, 
while the present Constitution shall be maintained. 
Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Con- 
ie sovereign power over the territories of the 
nited States for their government, and that in the 
exercise of this power it is both the right and the 
duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those 
twin relics of barbarism—polygamy and slavery. 
Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United 
States was ordained and established by the people in 
order to form a more perfect Union, stablicls justice, 
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common 


defence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and con- | 


tains ample provisions for the protection of the life, 
liberty, and pe aidles of every citizen, the dearest 
Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas, have 
been fraudulently and violently taken from them— 
their territory has been invaded by an armed force— 
spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and ex- 
ecutive officers have been set over them, by whose 
usurped authority, sustained by the military power 
of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional 
laws have been enacted and enforced—the rights of 
the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed 
—test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling na- 
ture have been imposed, as a condition of exercising 
the right of suffrage and holding office—the right of 
an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an 
impartial jury has been denied—the right of the peo- 
ple to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and 
effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has 
been violated—they have been deprived of life, liber- 
ty, and property, without due process of law—that the 
freedom of speech and of the press has been abridg- 
ed—the right to choose their representatives has been 
made of no effect—murders, robberies, and arsons 
have been instigated and encouraged, and the offend- 
ders have been allowed to go unpunished—that all 
these things have been done with the knowledge, 
sanction and procurement of the present administra- 
tion, and that for this high crime against the Consti- 
tution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the ad- 
ministration, the President, his advisers, agents, sup- 
porters, apologists and accessories, either before or 
after the facts, before the country and before the 
world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the 


actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages andi o 


their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment 
hereafter. 

Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately ad- 
mitted as a State of the Union, with her present free 
constitution, as at once the most effectual way of 
securing to her citizens the enjoyments of the rights 
and ee Me to which they are entitled, and of end- 
ing the civil strife now raging in her territory. 

esolved, That the highwayman’s plea, that ‘‘ might 
makes right,’’ embodied in the Ostend circular, was 
in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, 
and would bring shame and dishonor upon any gov- 
ernment or people that gave it their sanction. 

Resolved, That a Railrond to the Pacific Ocean, by 
the most central and practical route, is imperatively 
demanded by the interests of the whole country, and 
that the Federal Government ought to render imme- 


diate and efficient aid in its construction; and as an 
auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an 
emigrant route on the line of the railroad. 

Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the 
improvement of rivers and harbors, of a national 
character, required for the accommodation and secu- 
rity of our existing commerce, are authorized by the 
Constitution, and justified by the obligation of gov- 
ernment to protect the lives and property of its citi- 
zens. 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-op- 
eration of the men of all parties, however different 
from us in other respects, in support of the principles 
herein declared; and believing that the spirit of our 
institutions, as well as the Constitution of our coun- 
try, guarantees liberty of conscience and equality of 
rights among citizens, we oppose all legislation im 
pairing their security. 


COLONEL FREMONT’S ACCEPTANCE. 


New York, July 8, 1856. 


GENTLEMEN: You call me to a high responsibility 
by placing me in the van of a great movement of the 
people of the United States, who, without regard to 
pe differences, are uniting in a common effort to 

ring back the action of the Federal Government to 
the principles of WasHINGToN and JEFFERSON. Com- 
Se the magnitude of the trust which their 
ave declared themselves willing to place in my 
hands, and pe sensible to the honor which they 
unreserved confidence in this threatening position of 
the public affairs implies, I feel that I cannot better 
respond than by @ sincere declaration that, in the 
event of my election to the Presidency, 1 should 
enter upon the execution of its duties with a single- 
hearted determination to promote the good of the 
whole country, ard to direct solely to this end all 
the power of the Government, irrespective of party 
issues, and regardless of sectional strifes. The 
declaration of principles embodied in the resolves of 
Re! Convention expresses the sentiments in which 
have been educated, and which have been ripened 
into convictions by personal observation and expe- 
rience. With this declaration and avowal, I think 
it necessary to revert to only two of the subjects 
embraced in the resolutions, and to those only be- 
cause events have surrounded them with grave and 
critical circumstances, and given to them especial 
rg ithe 
concur in the views of the Convention depreca- 
ting the foreign policy to which it adverts. The as- 
caee Ue that we have the right to take from 
another nation its domains because we want them, 
is an abandonment of the honest character which 
our country has acquired. To provoke hostilities 
by unjust assumptions would be to sacrifice the 
eace and character of the country, when all its 
interests might be more certainly secured, and its 
bjects attained by just:and healing counsels, in- 
volving no loss of reputation. Co Lip RY 
International embarrassments are mainly the re- 
sults of a secret diplomacy, which aims to keep from 
the knowledge of the people the operations of the 
Government. This system is inconsistent with the 
cyaracter of our institutions, and is itself yielding 
gradually to a more enlightened ge opinion, and 
to the power of a free Press, which, by its broad 
dissemination of political intelligence, secures im 
advance to the side of justice the judgment of the 
civilized world. An honest, firm and open policy 
in our foreign relations would command the united 
support of the nation, whose deliberate opinions it 
would necessarily reflect. 
Nothing is clearer in the history of our institu- 


tions than the design of the nation in asserting its 


own independence and freedom, to avoid giving 


af ee 


« 


class of men interested in Slavery, who command 
one section of the country, and wield a vast po- 
litical control as a consequence in the other, is now 
directed to turn this impulse of the Revolution and 
reverse its principles. The extension of Slaver 

across the continent is the object of the power hinh 
now rules the Government; and from this spirit has 
sprung those kindred wrongs in Kansas so truly por- 
trayed in one of your resolutions, which prove that 
the elements of the most arbitrary governments have 
not been vanquished by the just theory of our own. 
It would be out of place here to pledge myself to any 
particular policy that has been suggested to termi- 
nate the sectional controversy engendered by politi- 
cal animosities, operating on a powerful class banded 
together by a common interest. A practical remedy 
is the admission of Kansas into the Union as a Free 
State. The South should, in my judgment, earnestly 
desire such consummation. It would vindicate the 
good faith—it would correct the mistake of the 
repeal; and the North, having practically the bene- 
fit of the agreement between the two sections, 
would be satisfied, and good feeling be restored. 
The measure is perfectly consistent with the honor 
of the South, and vital to its interests. That fatal 
act which gave birth to this purely sectional strife, 
originating in the scheme to take from free labor the 
country secured to it by a solemn covenant, cannot 
be too soon disarmed of its pernicious force. The 
only genial region of the middle latitudes left to the 
emigrants of the Northern States for homes cannot 
be conquered from the free laborers, who have long 
considered it as set apart for them in our inheri- 
tance, without provoking a desperate struggle. 
Whatever may be the persistence of the particular 
class which seems ready to hazard everything for 
the success of the unjust scheme it has partially 
effected, I Btmnly believe that the great heart of the 
nation, which throbs with the patriotism of the free 
men of both sections, will have power to overcome 
it. They will took to the rights secured to them by 
the Constitution of the Union, as their best safeguard 
from the oppression of the class which—by a mo- 
nopoly of the soil and of slave labor to till it—might 
in time reduce them to the extremity of laboring 
upon the same terms with the slaves. The great 
body.of non-slayeholding free men, including those 
of the South, upon whose welfare Slavery is an 
oppression, will discover that the power of the Gene- 
ral Government over the public lands may be benefi- 
cially exerted to advance their interests and secure 
their independence. Knowing this, their suffrages 
will not be wanting to maintain that authority in 
the Union which is absolutely essential to the main- 
tenance of their own liberties, and which has more 
than once indicated the purpose of disposing of the 
public lands in such a way as would make every set- 
tler upon them a freeholder. 

If the people intrust to me the administration of 
the Government, the laws of Congress in relation to 
the Territories will be faithfully executed. All ita 
authority will be exerted in aid of the national will 
to re-establish the peace of the country on the just 
principles which have heretofore received the sanc- 
tion of the Federal Government, of the States, and 
of the peaple of both sections.. Such a policy would 
leave no aliment to that sectional party which seeks 
its aggrandizement by appropriating the new Ter- 
ritories to capital in the ak of Slavery, bat wonld 
inevitably result in the triumph of free labor—the 
natural capital which constitutes the real wealth of 
this great country, and creates that intelligent power 

the masses alone to be relied on as the bulwark of 
free institutions. 

Trusting that I havea heart capable of compre- 
hending our whole country, with its varied interests 
and confident that patriotism exists in all parts of 


23 


countenance to the extension of. Slavery... . The, 
influence of the small but compact and powerful 


the. Union; I-accept. the nomination of the Uonven- 
tion, in the hope that I may be enabled to serve use- 
fully its cause, which I consider the cause of consti: 
tutional Freedom. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
J. C. FREMONT. 


To Messrs. H. 8. Lanz, President of the Convention; 
James M. ASHLEY, ANTHONY J. BLEECKER, JOSEPH 
C. Hornsiower, E. R. Hoar, THappevs STEVENS, 
Kinestey §. Binepam, JoHN A. Wiis, C. F. 
CLEVELAND, Cyrus ALpRIcH, Committee, &c. 


MR. BUCHANAN’S ACCEPTANCE. 


WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 16, 1856. 


GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your communication of the 13th instant, 
informing me officially of my nomination by the De- 
mocratic National Convention, recently held at Cin- 
cinnati, as the democratic candidate for the office of 
President of the United States. I shall not attempt 
to express the grateful feelings which I entertain 
towards my democratic fellow citizens for havin 
deemed me worthy of this—the highest politica. 
honor on earth—an honor such as the people of no 
other country have the power to bestow. Deeply 
sensible of the vast and varied responsibility at- 
tached to the station, especially at the present crisis 
in our affairs, ] have carefully refrained from seeking 
the nomination either by word or by deed. Now 
that it has been offered by the democratic party, I 
accept it with diffidence in my own abilities, but with 
a humbie trust that in the event of my election I may 
be en~bled to discharge my duty in such a manner 
as to allay domestic strife, preserve peace and 
friznd hiy with foreign nations, and promote the best 
interests of the Republic. 

In accepting the nomination, I need scarcely say 
that I accept in the same spirit the resolutions con- 
stituting the pasou of prineiples erected by the 
convention. ‘To this platform I intend to confine 
myself throughout the canvass, believing that I have 
no right, as the candidate of the democratic party 
by answering interrogatories, to present new and 
different issues before the people. 

It will not be expected that in this answer I 

should specially refer to the subject of each of the 
resolutions; and I shall therefore confine myself te 
the two topics now most prominently before the 
people. 
, Vee in the first place, I cordially concur in the 
sentiments expressed by the convention on the sub- 
ject of civil and religious liberty. No party founded 
on religious or political intolerance toward one class 
of American citizens, whether born in our own or in 
a foreign land, can long continue to exist in this 
country. We are all equal before God and the Con- 
stitution, and the dark spirit of despotism and bigo- 
try which would create odious distinctions among 
our fellow-citizens, will be speedily rebuked by a 
free and enlightened public opinion. 

The agitation on the question of domestic slavery 
has too long dictated and divided the people of this 
Union, and alienated their affections from each other. 
This agitstion has assumed many forms since its 
commencement, but it now seems to be directed 
chiefly to the territories; and judging from its pre. 
sent charact:r, I think we may safely anticipate thar 
it is rapidly approaching a ‘‘fimality.’’ The recent 
legislation of Congrean respecting domestic slavery, 
derived, as it has been, from the original and pure 
fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the 
majority, promises ere long to allay the dangerous 
excitement. This legislation is founded npen prin- 
ciples as ancient as free government itself, and in 
accordance with them, has simply declared that the 


14 


eee of a territory, like those of a State, shall 
ecide for themselves whether Slavery shall or shall 
not exist within their limits. 

The Nebraska-Kansas Act does no more than give 
the force of law to this elementary principle of self- 
government, declaring it to be ‘‘ the true intent and 
meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into an 
territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; bu 
to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form 
and regulate their domestic institutions in their own 
way, subject only to the Constitution of the United 
States.’’ This principle will surely not be contro- 
verted by any individual of any party professing de- 
votion to popular government. Besides, how vain 
and illusory would any other principle prove in 
practice in regard to the territories! This is appa- 
rent from the fact admitted by all, that after a terri- 
tory shall have entered the Union and become a 
State, no constitutional power would then exist 
which could prevent it from either abolishing or 
establishing slavery, as the case may be, according 
to its sovereign will and pleasure. 

Most happy would it be for the country if this long 
agitation were at an end. During its whole progress 
it has produced no practical good to any human 
being, while it has been the source of great and dis- 
astrous evils. It has alienated and estranged one 
portion of the Union from the other, and has even 
seriously threatened its very existence. To my own 
personal knowledge, it has produced the impression 
among foreign nations that our great and glorious 
confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution. 
This does us serious injury, because acknowledged 
power and stability always command respect among 
nations, and are among the best securities against 
prs he aggression, and in favor of the maintenance 
of honorable peace. 

May we not hope that it is the mission of the 
democratic party, now the only surviving conserva- 
tive party of the country, ere long to overthrow all 
sectional parties, and restore the peace, friendship, 
and mutual confidence which prevailed in the good 
old time among the different members of the confe- 
deracy? Its character is strictly national, and it 
therefore asserts no principle for the guidance of the 
federal government which is not adopted and sus- 
tained by its members in each and every State. For 
this reason, it is everywhere the same determined 
foe of all geographical parties, so much and so justly 
dreaded by the father of his country. From its very 
nature it must continue to exist so long as there is a 
Constitution and a Union to preserve. A conviction 
of these truths has induced many of the purest, the 
ablest and most independent of our former oppo- 
nents, who have differed from us in time gone by 
upon old and extinct party issues, to come into our 
ranks and devote themselves with us to the cause of 
the Constitution and the Union. Under these cir- 
cumstances, I most cheerfully pledge myself, should 
the nomination of the convention be ratified by the 

eople, that all the power and influence constitu- 
ionally possessed by the executive shall be exerted 
in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single 
term I shall remain in office, to restore the same 
harmony among the sister States which prevailed 
before this apple of discord, in the form of slavery 
agitation, had been cast into their midst. Let the 
members of the family abstain from intermeddling 
with the exclusive domestie concerns of each other, 
ind cordially unite, on the basis of perfect equality 
among themselves, in promoting the great national 
objects of common interest to all, and the good work 
will be instantly accomplished. 

In regard to our foreign policy to which you have 
referred in your communication, it is quite impossi- 
ble for any human foreknowledge to prescribe posi- 
tive rules in advance, to regulate the conduct of a 
future sdministration in all the exigencies which 


mey arise in our various and ever-changing relations 
with foreign powers. The federal government must 
of necessity exercise s sound discretion in dealing 
with international questions as they may occur; but 
this under the strict responsibility which the execu- 
tive must always feel to the people of the United 
States aud the judgment of posterity. You will, 
therefore, excuse me for not entering into particu- 
lars ; while I heartily concur with you in the gene- 
ral sentiment, that our foreign affairs ought to be 
conducted with such wisdom and firmness as to 
assure the prosperity of the people at home, while 
the interests and honor of our country are wisely 
but inflexibly maintained abroad. Our foreign policy 
ought ever to be based upon the principle of doing 
justice to all nations, and requiring justice from 
— in return; and from this principle J shall never 
epart. 

Should I be placed in the executive chair, | shall 
use my best exertions to cultivate peace and friend- 
ship with all nations, believing this to be our highest 
policy as well as our most imperative duty; but at 
the same, I shall never forget that in case the neces- 
sity should arise, which I do not now et en 
our national honor must be preserved at all hazards 
and at any sacrifice. 

Firmly convinced that a special Providence gov- 
erns the affairs of nations, let us humbly implore his 
continued blessing upon our country, and that he 
may avert from us the punishment we justly deserve 
for being discontented and ungrateful while enjoying 
privileges above all nations, under such a Constitu- 
tion and such a Union as has never been vouchsafed 
to any other people. 


Yours, very respectfull 
wy JAMES BUCHANAN. 


The Hon. Joon E. Warp, W. A. RICHARDSON 
and others. 


\ 


MR. FILLMORE’S ACCEPTANOE. 


Paris, May 21, 1856. 


GENTLEMEN : I have tho honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your letter, informing me that the National 
Convention of the American party, which had jast 
closed its session at Philadelphia, had unanimously 


resented my name for the Presidency of the United © 


Rtates, and associated with it that of Andrew Jack- 
son Donelson for the Vice-Presidency. This unex- 
pected communication met me at Venice, on my re- 
turn from Italy, and the duplicate mails thirteen days 
later were received on my arrival in this city last 
evening. 

This must account for my apparent neglect in giv- 
ing a more prompt reply. 

yen will pardon me fer saying that, when my Ad- 
ministration closed in 1853, I considered my political 
life as a public man at an end, and thenceforth I was 
only anxious to discharge my dnty as a private citi- 
zen. Hence I have taken no active part in politics, 
but I have by no means been an indifferent spectator 
of passing events, nor have I hesitated to express my 
opinion on all political subjects when asked, nor to 
give my vote and private influence for those men and 
measures I thought best calculated to promote the 
prosperity and glory of our common country. Be- 
yond this I have deemed it improper for me to inter- 
fere. 

But this unsolicited and unexpected nomination 
has imposed upon me & new duty, from which I can- 
not shrink; and therefore, approving as I do, the 
general objects of the party which has honored me 
with its confidence, I cheerfully accept its nomina- 
tion, without waiting to inquire its prospects of suo- 


ad 


15 


cess or defeat. It is sufficient for me to know that 
by so doing I yield to the wishes of a large portion 
of my fellow-citizens in every part of the Union, 
who, like myself, are sincerely anxious to see the 
Administration of our Government restored to that 
original simplicity and purity which marked the first 
part of its existence, and, if possible, to quiet that 
alarming sectional agitation which, while it delights 
the monarchists of Europe, causes every true friend 
of our own country to mourn. 

Having the experience of past service in the admin- 
istration of the i aacunent, I may be permitted to 
refer to that as the exponent of the future, and to 
say that should the choice of the Convention be sanc- 
tioned by the people, I shall with the same scrupnu- 
lous regard for the rights of every section of the 
Union which then influenced my conduct, endeavor 
to perform every duty confided by the Constitution 
ane laws to the Executive. 

As the proceedings of the Convention have marked 
an era in the history of the country, by bringing a 
new political organization into the approaching Pre- 
sidential canvass, I take occasion to reaffirm my full 
confidence in the patriotic purposes of that organiza- 
tion, which I regard as springing out of the public 
necessity forced upon the country to a large extent 
by unfortunate sectional divisions, and the injurious 
tendency of these divisions towards disunion. 

It alone, in my opinion, of all political agencies 
now existing, is possessed of the power to silence 
this violent and disastrous agitation, and to restore 
harmony by its own example of moderation and for- 


bearance. It has a claim, therefore, inmy Judgment, 
upon every earnest friend of the integrity of the 
nion. 

So estimating this party, both in its present posi- 
tion and future destiny, I freely adopt its great lead- 
ing principles as announced in the recent declaration 
of the National Council in Philadelphia, a copy of 
which you were so kind as to enclose to me, holdin 
them to be just and liberal to every true interest o 
the country, and wisely adapted to the establishment 
and support of an enlightened, safe, and effective 
American policy, in full accord with the ideas, and 
the hopes of the fathers of the Republic. 

I expect shortly to sail for America, and with the 
blessing of Divine Providence, hope soon to tread 
my native soil. i opportunity of comparing m 
own country and the condition of the people, wit 
those of Europe, has only served to increase my ad- 
miration and love for our blessed land of liberty, and 
I shall return to it without even a desire to ever cross 
the Atlantic again. 

I beg vou, gentlemen, to accept my thanks for the 
very flatwaring manner in which you have been 
pleased to communicate the result of the action of 
that enlightened and patriotic body of men who 
composed the late Convention, and be assured that I 
am, with profound respect and esteem, your fellow- 
citizen, 

MILLARD FILLMORE. 
To Messrs. A. H. H. Srswart, ANDREW STEWART, 
Erastus Brooks, E. B. BartLerr, Wm. J. Eames, 
Erueans MarsH. 


PIERCE’S ADMINISTRATION ENDORSED. 


} \The following resolution offered by Ben. F. HALLETT, and 


opted by the Cincinnati Convention, was omitted by mis- 
tike from its proper place on page 11 of this pamphlet, and 
the error not being discovered till after the work had been 
stereotyped, and the first edition printed off, we now insert 
it here, to give the Buchanan Party the full benefit of their 
entire platform ;— 


Resolved, That the Administration of FRANKLIN Prerca 
has been true to Democratic principles, and therefore true 
to the great interests of the country; in the face of violent 
Opposition he has maintained the Laws at home, and vindi- 
cated the rights of American citizens abroad ; and therefore 
we proclaim (2 OUR UNQUALIFIED ADMIRATION OF HIS MI’A- 
SURES AND POLICY. 


REPUBLICAN DOCUMENTS NOW READY. 


LIFE OF COLONEL FREMONT. 


An original and authentic Biography of the 
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Benate, on Kansas Affairs—82 pages. 


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Howard of Mich. and Sherman of Chio, with 2,500 pages nf 
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Postage in the free states 


$4,891,860; cost of mail transporta- 


tion &2,3S1,60T, which all goes to 
prove how the suffering South is 


oppressed by the North 


The annual receipts from postage 
in the slave states are $1,486,984, and 
the cost of mail transportation is 


$2,087,266. 


Sagal 


fi fi Mi 

Ue aay 

Ces Mem 
a 
D8 MAR fp oie 


Wy wh Hi 
Hs yep 
ae 


Lh atl 
nN MN ANNAN 
sani 


Wh Toi) 4 
LY! 


The number of slaves in the 


United States is 3,204,513. 
ward. In this statement no 


account is taken of the white 
owned by this small but iron-- 


slaves of the North who ure 
willed oligarchy. 


The number of slave holders 
847,525, of whom only 92,257 
own each 10 slaves or up- 


